Queen
Elizabeth II and Prince Philip pictured with Kwame Nkrumah, President of Ghana
during their Commonwealth visit to Kumasi in Nov. 1961
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As the situation in Burundi remained fluid, the whereabouts of
president Pierre Nkurunziza have remained a mystery, with assumptions swirling
over his location.
The president on Wednesday, however,
managed to make a brief address on the fiercely contested-for national
broadcaster on Thursday, as he waited in the wings to know his fate, but signs
were that forces loyal to him had gained an upper hand. When last sighted
in Tanzania, Nkurunziza had been attending a heads of state summit; a
call to forestall a regional crisis when news filtered through that a coup
attempt was being made.
But while attempts at deposing African incumbents are frequent,
with close to 100 attempts and successful coups recorded in the region since
1960, the removal of a leader while abroad is actually quite rare - a very
counter-intuitive fact.
By a Mail & Guardian Africa count, just about one in five of successful coups have
involved absentee leaders, suggesting that unlike the propensity for burglars
to visit when you are away, putschists instead prefer to seize the incumbent as
a trophy of war and to show them around the presidential palace.
At first glance, it might seem
easier to make a successful coup against a strongman while he is away,
but as the Nkurunziza fightback shows, it actually leaves him free to organise
to take back power. Cornering him in State House allows mutineering troops to
arrest him, or even kill him, removing him definitively from contention.
Ironically, the earliest
recorded removal of an absent incumbent since 1960 was in Burundi, when
King Mwambutsa Bangiriceng was in 1965 deposed by army officers while away in
Switzerland.
He would die in his European
sanctuary in 1977, kick-starting the end of the country’s constitutional
monarchy.
But it was the ouster of
Ghanaian pan-Africanist icon Kwame Nkrumah in February 1966 that brought the
phenomenon of African absentee evictions to world attention. Nkrumah
owed much of his later education to the West, from where he fine-tuned his
pan-Africanist credentials, but also honed leanings
towards socialism.
He was overthrown while on an official visit to North Vietnam
and China, and would for years bitterly blame the Americans. He did not return
to Ghana, living in exile as honorary co-president of Guinea. He died in
Romania in 1972.
Libya’s King Idris I was
deposed in September 1969 by army officers led by Muammar Gaddafi while being
treated in Turkey. He had during his stint in office angered
pan-Arabists by retaining close ties with the West, even after the Suez
Crisis.
Libya’s only modern-day
monarch, he had abdicated in favour of his son who was set to take over the
next day. Idris died in Cairo in 1983.
Uganda’s Milton Obote was five
years into his presidency ousted by Idi Amin while in Singapore attending a
Commonwealth summit. He had noticeably shifted to the left, and claims
remain that Western government, especially Britain and Israel - played a
role in that 1971 coup.
He returned to office in
1980, professing free market policies before he was relieved of his duties five
years later again by the army.
Former Ghanaian Prime Minister,
Kofi Busia was overthrown in 1972 while undergoing treatment in Britain, having
repudiated most of Nkrumah’s Marxist policies.
Nigeria’s Yakubu Gowon, a
military man, was in Kampala at an Organisation of African Unity (the precursor
to the African Union) summit in 1975 when he was deposed by army officers,
sending him into exile in the UK. His time in office had been marked by an
economic boom fuelled by oil revenues, but also by extensive graft. He has
since reinvented himself as an African elder statesman, and can be sighted in
election observer missions when not manning his foundation.
Ange-Félix Patassé, who is seen
as the Central African Republic’s (CAR) first credibly elected president, was
ousted in 1993 while in Niger, having lost the support of the influential
French.
He returned from exile in Togo
in 2008 to vie in elections against the man who deposed him, Francois Bozize,
but lost by a distance to him.
Mauritania’s Maaouya Ould
Sid’Ahmed Taya was also removed in 2005 while attending the burial of
Saudi Arabia’s king Fahd in 2005. He now lives in Qatar, teaching at a military
school.
But while the roots of most of
these coups could be traceable global geopolitics including the Cold War,
Burundi’s crisis seems to have been the result of regional issues.
Key player Rwanda has for
example been concerned at the potential for former Hutu rebels linked to
the 1994, and who are hiding out in the DR Congo, to use Burundi as a
launching pad for attacks, while there was also alarm over the potential for
destabilisation in the volatile Great Lakes region.
In the last two months alone,
over 70,000 Burundians have fled as refugees to neighbouring countries, most of
them to Rwanda, a small densely populated country that analysts say does
not have the carrying capacity for large numbers of refugees.
While still early in the day, it
won’t be long before it becomes clearer how political these regional issues
have informed the Burundi crisis.
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