In spite of the ubiquitous, if underexposed, presence of Private
Military Companies (PMCs) in the world’s conflict zones, where they regularly
provide security and logistics for the United States (U.S.) and British
military, this recent action raised some uncomfortable questions about the
future of conflict in the region and on a global scale.
The media interaction between EU Managing Editor BRUNO BAYLEY of VICE,
an on-line publication and McFate (a former mercenary with firsthand experience
of Private Military Companies (PMCs) operations in Liberia and Burundi) reveals
the following:
In an interview granted London
Telegraph, the President derided the immediate past administration for
engaging mercenaries from South Africa to defeat Boko Haram insurgents.
The mercenaries were engaged by the
Federal Government in the twilight of the administration of former President
Goodluck Jonathan.
When asked by the London-based
newspaper if he will tow the path of his predecessor, Buhari retorted: “I
personally was very disappointed that the previous government resorted to
mercenaries. I was also disappointed by the recent revelations of how military
allocations were also misappropriated.
“How is it that Nigeria’s military,
which has a good record across West Africa, cannot claim back 14 out of 774
local government areas from Boko Haram? They have to ask for mercenaries from
South Africa? How the mighty has fallen!”
According to him, the Federal
Government was not under any pressure to seek foreign military help beyond
training missions.
Sean McFate, a former mercenary with
firsthand experience of Private Military Companies (PMC) operations in Liberia
and Burundi, spoke on the consequences of engaging mercenaries.
McFate, a professor at the National
Defence University and Georgetown University’s School of Foreign Service, told
Bruno Bayley, EU Managing Director of VICE that involvement of
mercenaries to quell internal uprising could be a threat to weak countries.
The recent employment of mercenaries
by the Federal Government in its fight to subdue Boko Haram has attracted
rather a lot of attention in some quarters. Given that PMCs are so prevalent
in, say, Iraq or Afghanistan, where they constituted up to 50 per cent of all
persons deployed by the US, why do you think people have gotten so excited
about this?
It’s attracted attention for at
least two key reasons. The first is that it happened, and there was really no
public outrage, certainly not in the way that there would have been, say, 20
years ago. And that shows you what the US and Great Britain have done in terms
of normalising the use of PMCs. The second big factor is that Nigeria is West
Africa’s regional super power. It has the most powerful military in the region,
and for six years, it couldn’t control Boko Haram. Then the government hired
mercenaries to do it, and within weeks, those mercenaries did it. So that
suggests that mercenaries are more powerful, or at least as powerful as, the
most powerful military in West Africa.
Another thing that grabbed attention
is that these guys had Mi-24 attack helicopters, which are like flying tanks.
With extremely heavy weaponry, they were conducting offensive operations.
We don’t really know a whole lot
about the circumstances in which these mercenaries were hired. But it seems to
me, though this is speculation, that it was possibly a slightly underhand move
by Goodluck Jonathan, the outgoing president, in a re-election bid – to show
military strength – and that the mercenaries were not initially meant to be
taking as big a combat role as they did.
This was a more full-blooded
mercenary operation than the sort that we are used to of late.
These were real, hard core
mercenaries. This was very different from the ways PMCs were used by the
coalition in Iraq, say, where they did convoy protection, defence of buildings
or people. This was pure offence, and they did a great job. Well… an effective
job, at least.
That qualification you make there,
can you expand on it? They were effective. But there’s a sense that — due to
the very nature of PMCs and this sort of engagement, this will be far from a
long-term solution to the region’s problems.
They were effective operationally,
but I think there are a lot of bigger strategic questions at play within
Nigeria. The big question, of course, is how do you defeat Boko Haram? All that
these PMCs did was effectively push them into neighbouring countries. And now
the group will push back. Is it a long-term solution? Probably not.
The second question is: what does it
mean, more generally, that we have a rising industry of mercenaries around the
world? This is not an industry restricted to employment by the US, the UK, or
European countries operating in Iraq or Afghanistan. We are seeing their
increasing use elsewhere — for example, at present in Yemen, where South
American, ex-special forces mercenaries are being used. It’s going global. The
Nigeria case marks a bigger trend.
What do you get when you have
industries invested in conflict going to the most conflict prone regions in the
world?
For me, this fundamentally means you
are going to get a lot more war in the future.
What are the advantages for these
nations in using PMCs in this way?
As you already mentioned, their
combat effectiveness, hardware, and training are clearly attractive in places
where the national armed forces are less professional. But what else do they
offer employers?
There are tons of advantages.
Firstly, PMCs are generally cheaper than maintaining a standing army. Second,
you don’t have to deal with corrupt, politically ambitious officers. The third
is that if you are a rich, small country that wants to participate in war but
doesn’t have the citizens who want to serve in the military, PMCs are a good
option. United Arab Emirate (UAE) is a country like that – small and rich – and
it wants to participate in the current war alongside Saudi Arabia. But its
citizens aren’t interested in bleeding, so the country hires the job out. There
are a lot of “advantages,” quote, unquote. A lot of them are dubious or raise
concerns, but they certainly offer short-term advantages.
In the case of Nigeria, how big of
an issue do you think was posed by the toxic history of PMC use in Africa?
Specifically, the fact that some of
those mercenaries hired to fight in Nigeria appear to have been former
apartheid-era South African military? Does that legacy pose particular problems
for PMCs in the region?
I think the big issue for people is
that what happened in Nigeria smells an awful lot like Executive Outcomes (EO),
a South Africa-based PMC which was largely formed of former South African
Special Forces, and which carried out military campaigns in Africa in the early
90s. In the private military industry, EO represents both an apogee and nadir
of the industry’s potential in modern times. It was the most combat effective
mercenary corporation in recent history – much more so than Blackwater, et
al – but also demonstrates the power of private military companies. EO has
an “alumnae” network in Africa that remains strong today. Many of the
mercenaries hired by Nigeria in 2015 came from this network. And there are all
sorts of concerns about the legacy of EO; was resurrected with Nigeria’s
decision here. There are laws against mercenaries in South Africa, because of
EO, and because the government of South Africa put out a very strong dictum, in
effect saying that “these are mercenaries, and if they show up in South Africa,
we will arrest them on the spot.” But outside South Africa, people pretty much
shrugged their shoulders at this; maybe they were thinking, Wow! We could use a
group like this to go after al Shabab or ISIS or something. I am sure people
had those conversations, but of course, I don’t know that for a fact.
Bearing in mind South Africa’s
specific laws on this matter, does this appear to have been an above-board
example of PMC use? Was this deployment any murkier than your average PMC deal?
There’s no international law banning
the use of these sorts of private soldiers. It’s more that it contravenes an
international norm, but that norm is winding down. This example is a little
different, again, because of the PMC’s use in an offensive setting, as a combat
power in this case. Now, to be fair, in modern warfare, the difference between
offense and defense can be rather gray and nuanced. Blackwater did a lot of
offensive – type stuff. What makes this so interesting is that Nigeria hired
these guys with their own private armored helicopter, and I’m not talking about
a Blackwater-style helicopter with men, with machine guns in the exits; these
Mi-24s are Russian military standard gear, armed with missiles and so on. It’s
a private air force. It’s the degree and the intensity of this event that’s
amazing. It’s no longer PMCs being hired to defend convoys and so on. And of
course, again, it’s the fact that the Nigerian military couldn’t deal with Boko
Haram. What South Africa is to southern Africa, Nigeria is to West Africa. It
says a lot that mercenaries are more powerful than the army there.
And that’s where this fear of PMCs
in the region, linked to EO’s past, comes into play – mercenaries are not a threat to the UK, or to
the U.S., but they could be a threat to other countries that are weak. Could
these mercenaries stage a coup? I don’t know. But if they can take care of Boko
Haram, it’s a pertinent question.
The PMCs of the 2000s were at pains
to make it look like that era was behind us. It was all “we are good guys, we
are helping the US army,” or the marines, or what have you. And this deployment
is interesting because it shows that the industry is actually not over the
Executive Outcomes stage, at all.
So you think this could hail a
return of the EO model for PMCs?
I think that as the U.S. and others
scale back the lucrative contracts that have been in place in Iraq or
Afghanistan for years, the market is diversifying. You have countries like UAE,
Nigeria, hiring these guys, and it’s a case of supply and demand. My prediction
is that we will see more of this, not necessarily PMCs taking over countries,
but more of this sort of offensive action by PMCs hired to do the jobs we these
days associate with state militaries.
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